When the Cabinet meeting opened on Monday morning, an extraordinary tension hung among the ministers.
No one had instructed them to do so, yet the hardliners led by Kim Sangheon sat on the left, while the peace faction led by Choe Myeonggil sat on the right.
The reason the Cabinet had split so starkly in two was an awkward invitation that had arrived from China.
Korea and China are countries that share the common pain of colonial humiliation. At the same time, they are also countries that aimed their guns at each other during the Korean War.
Because of that, deciding what level of protocol to show at China’s annual Victory Day event had always been a dilemma. Sending someone too high-ranking was a problem, but not attending at all was an even bigger one.
In truth, Korea’s stance toward Victory Day had more or less settled into the custom of “minimal protocol.”
But the times were different.
Domestic companies were groaning under massive American tariffs. Yet retaliatory tariffs were out of the question. Both inside and outside diplomatic circles, the common view was that even if a Democratic administration came into power, the push for reshoring would not change greatly, and that Korea would have to make constant preparations of its own.
And so, in the end, the issue could only circle back to China.
At present, Korea’s largest export destination was China, accounting for twenty percent of total exports—a figure higher than that of the United States. The same was true of imports as well; China was undeniably Korea’s largest trading partner.
If China had been a gentlemanly country, relations between the two nations might have been quite decent. But there is no such thing in this world as a buyer who is simply kind.
The Chinese authorities had cunningly exploited Korea’s circumstances, nitpicking every little thing as they set about “taming” Korea. While defending North Korea’s nuclear program, those bastards took issue with our THAAD deployment. While insisting that kimchi and hanbok were theirs, they thoroughly blocked imports of Korean culture.
It was still baffling. With the Korean culture ban so strict, how on earth had “Squid Game” cosplay appeared in the middle of Beijing?
“Then we will proceed to discuss the final item on the agenda.”
The items that had not provoked much disagreement were dealt with, leaving only the one item on which disagreement was bound to be fierce.
Amid taut tension, I Chanho, who was presiding over the meeting, spoke again.
“Regrettably, the invitation has arrived again this year.”
“...”
“The agenda concerns participation in China’s Victory Day event. Before we begin, I imagine that under sensitive circumstances such as these, there will be a variety of opinions. The President has given special instructions and asked that you seek a direction that is not biased toward any camp, but solely in line with the national interest.”
“...”
“Ministers, please speak your minds freely.”
Silence flowed for a while. But it did not last long.
“We should follow precedent. Minimal protocol is the correct course.”
Minister Choe Myeonggil of the pro-American faction opened his mouth.
“In truth, this is not even something that needs discussion. China’s Victory Day is, in effect, centered on the military parade. And whom are their guns aimed at? At a time like this, when America is already throwing its weight around and demanding that we stand properly in line, there is absolutely nothing to be gained by provoking them. Let us conclude the protocol at the level of a party leader or the Speaker of the National Assembly.”
Minister Kim Sangheon of the pro-China faction shot back.
“If America’s pressure were reasonable, I could understand. But aren’t the demands of the current Donald administration all nothing but absurd coercion? I cannot for the life of me understand why, because we cannot withstand that pressure, we must be unable to maintain friendly relations with a neighboring country.”
“Minister Kim!”
“We need change. This time, I believe it would be best for the President to attend in person.”
“What nonsense!”
“Even under a past conservative administration, President Park Geunhye personally attended Victory Day. Though we may be of different camps, I find myself quite in agreement with that diplomatic line. I believe we have reached a moment when we need a similar decision.”
I Chanho smiled bitterly. Seeing the way the two ministers glared at each other, this was clearly not an issue that would pass quietly.
Sure enough, Myeonggil, who had been listening in silence, sprang to his feet.
“That is not a decision; it is reckless bravado! Are you suggesting we act rashly without knowing what consequences provoking America may bring?”
“It is not as though there is no precedent at all. Is trying to restore our frozen relations with China something deserving to be called reckless bravado?”
“Of course it is! What will you do if America’s tariffs get even worse? Our companies have already taken a heavy blow to exports to the U.S.—are you planning to drive them into bankruptcy altogether?”
“Minister Choe, are you an American minister? Are you sitting here as America’s representative?”
“Wh-what did you say?”
“I am asking why, when the other side is hitting us for no reason, all you worry about is getting hit even more! If America frightens you that much, then you, Minister Choe, should go prepare 350 billion dollars and offer it up to them. Then we will have no reason to fall out with America.”
Sangheon also pushed back his chair and stood.
“Prime Minister, we need a broad, statesmanlike decision. Isn’t the reason we gathered today to discuss diversifying exports?”
“Minister Kim!”
“China has been our largest trading partner for the past ten years. The market that can replace America is either China or Europe, and under the current circumstances, there is no hope in Europe. Then what reason do we have not to restore relations with China?”
Bang!
“You would crawl into the tiger’s den to avoid a wild dog? The military parade, the main event of Victory Day—where does Minister Kim think those weapons are aimed? No matter how unreasonable America may be, in the international community there are boundaries between camps that cannot be crossed!”
“Then Minister Choe, propose an alternative. Do you have a solution for breaking through this crisis without restoring relations with China?”
“Let us endure. Please, let us endure. If we wait one year, America has midterm elections; if we wait two years, it has a presidential election. After passing through major elections, the Donald administration’s governing momentum is bound to weaken. Why commit a mistake because we cannot wait that long?”
“You and I are fundamentally different in how we think.”
“What?”
“It was the American people who elected Donald. Even if the administration changes, the American people do not change.”
“Minister Kim.”
“Did the reshoring policy change under the Bidon administration? Only the tone changed; what they took from us was the same. Minister Choe, where exactly do you see hope in America?”
At those words, the pro-China ministers rose like a swarm of bees.
“Minister Kim is right! There is no longer any hope in America!”
“Bidon was more vicious than Donald. He used America’s hardline public opinion as leverage and took a large number of our factories!”
“In all my life, I have never seen our citizens arrested on such a large scale! They told us to put up investment money, so we went there to build factories, and then they arrested their guests—what country’s law is that?”
The pro-American ministers also rose like a swarm of bees.
“Then is defending North Korea’s nuclear program while retaliating against THAAD something found in the law?”
“Minister Choe is right on this! There is at least hope that American public opinion can change, but there is no hope that the Chinese authorities’ iron-fisted control will change!”
“Do you know how much of our semiconductor technology Chinese industrial spies have stolen over the years? Those people rush in without any rules at all.”
“Was it only semiconductors they stole? They stole display technology too and were sanctioned by an American court!”
The Cabinet meeting grew heated and devolved into a scuffle between the two sides.
“No, putting everything else aside, why are you blaming China for the display leak? That was Apple leaking it and making its subcontractors compete—strictly speaking, wasn’t that America’s fault?”
“Whatever the case, it was China that made it! And besides that, have they stolen only one or two of our industrial technologies?”
“There is no humiliation like this! Dongfeng missiles are openly aimed at Seoul, and you want the Korean President to go there and applaud? Are you people Yi Wanyong?!”
“Well, if it isn’t Heungseon Daewongun himself! So if we lock the gates and hold out, will the international order move according to our tastes? India has reconciled with China, and Britain has improved relations with China—what exactly is supposed to be impossible?”
“Then what about North Korea’s nukes? If China had only cut off the oil pipeline, the North Korean regime would already have collapsed. They keep North Korea on life support and continue to keep Korea in check—how are we supposed to improve relations with people like that?”
“You idiots!”
“You treasonous bastards!”
“You expect me to put up with this?!”
“You expect me to put up with this?!”
In the midst of the chaos, I Chanho smiled bitterly to himself.
It was a turbulent age. The louder Donald’s voice grew, the more scenes unfolded in the international community that would have been unimaginable a year ago.
Britain, a core ally of the liberal camp, had resumed high-level talks with China, and India, whose rift with China over border disputes had run deep, was showing signs of reconciliation.
Ironically, this trend had extended to Korea and Japan as well.
The progressive camp had announced that it would uphold the comfort women agreement, which had seemed as though it would never be resolved in a lifetime, and the Japanese prime minister was refraining from visiting the shrine.
Only a year ago, all of these would have been sensitive issues capable of bringing down administrations. Then what would the next ten years look like? Could Korea, China, and Japan become an economic community like the EU?
“Everyone, stop.”
“Prime Minister!”
“Everyone, stop!”
When I Chanho raised his voice, the conference room fell silent at once.
He turned his head.
“Minister Kim, Minister Choe. It seems everything that was going to be said has been said. Do either of you have anything more to add?”
The two men glared at each other and shut their mouths.
“If not, I will report the contents of today’s meeting to the Blue House for now... I know. I know that the opinions of both sides are sharply opposed. But once the Blue House makes a decision, whether it suits your views or not, please align yourselves with the government’s course for the time being. I ask this of you.”
At that moment, Minister Choe raised his hand.
“Prime Minister. May I say one final word?”
“...I think it would be better if you did not.”
“Even if America is in danger, China cannot become the alternative. America still holds hegemony over every industry. The ministers here should understand that.”
There was no way Minister Kim would remain still.
“Rome fell, and the British Empire fell as well. How can America alone last forever? We must not commit the folly of underestimating China’s potential.”
“Minister Kim, as expected, you live in a delusion. Every economic indicator, from low birthrates to economic growth, points to China’s limits. Why do you refuse to acknowledge it?”
“Why do you not apply such strict standards to America? From its debt-to-GDP ratio to every kind of social disorder and drug problem—does that America have hope?”
“Even so, do you realize that the technological gap between the U.S. and China still remains?”
“Compared to the technological gap twenty years ago, is it not less than a quarter now?”
“Minister Kim!”
“Please, open your eyes and look properly!”
Minister Kim shouted.
“Since the Paris Agreement, China has thrown itself into renewable energy, while America went to the UN and called it a scam. A country with a per capita GDP of eighty thousand dollars has been saying for ten years that it will revive manufacturing. A country going backward in every field—how can that possibly be an eternal hegemon?”
“Do you think China will be any different once dictatorship ends? Do you think Chinese labor costs will not rise once wealth redistribution begins?”
“That is not something you should ask me; ask America. If they moved only Apple’s factories to India, it would keep China in check nicely, so why are they not using such a good method?”
“Everyone, stop.”
Before the conversation could grow any more vicious, I Chanho stepped in.
“I will say it once more... I will report the contents of today’s meeting to the Blue House without omission or embellishment. We may not be able to satisfy everyone, but each minister must follow the Blue House’s decision.”
Ming or Qing... No, who is Ming, and who is Qing?
Looking at what Sejun had said and the atmosphere of today’s Cabinet meeting, I Chanho rubbed his temples.